"It would be wrong to draw political consequences from the ruling of the Look." Translated: the judicial Berlusconi's government is not by chance that he chaired. So all must spin smoothly (so to speak) regardless of the rejection of the immunity law. That this is the government line, the majority and the Confederation of course. But because it is also supporting the main opposition party (the words in quotes were said Wednesday, Oct. 7, to blow hot, Massimo D'Alema and reflect the position of the entire Democratic leadership)? Why the Democratic Party will not stick the dog drowning, advantage of the fact that the image of Berlusconi also vacillates between the center-right voters, largely hostile to his claims of impunity? It could be a cunning tactic: a precipitous plunge could paradoxically reduce the effects of the rejection of the award, best Berlusconi brown on slow fire, or bury itself, a victim of his uncontrollable rage. Another answer is that given a few days ago by Andrea Fabozzi on the manifest: the Democratic Party supports the government in waiting for better times, because despite everything, fears the verdict of the polls in the event of early elections. Perhaps you also a third option. To argue that it is necessary to take some steps back, thinking about what happened in Italy in the early years of the Clean Hands investigation Novanta.Dalle drew a force pushing "reform" that one part changed the electoral law in major key, starting the simplification of the bipolar representation, the other determined the personalization of political contention, inoculating the seed of presidentialism in the system and encouraging the rise of executive power and its "head" from the other bodies costituzionali.Si acted for a reason. Since the eighties there was complaining of an alleged deficit of governance. Today - in the face of Berlusconi's excesses - it relies on the logic of checks and balances. But in those years prevailed the belief that it was essential to unbalance the balance of power in favor of the government. Not only with respect to the parliament, "the enemy of efficiency." In all likelihood, is also designed to provide a defense against the judiciary, whose dynamism was perceived as a threat by the staffs of the parties. Here, too, think of Berlusconi's legal problems does not facilitate the reconstruction. The clash between politics and the judiciary has exploded for his determination to escape processes, but was triggered by a concern to defend the political (and especially governments) from a menacing power to control it independently. As for the most part, certainly weighed the provincialism Anglophile some intellectual sectors, but was willing to get rid of the decisive forces children (beginning with the communist PRC), which hampered the approval of the country to political and social model of the "great Western democracies." In this climate, fifteen years ago, took his first steps in the "Second Republic. The Italian-style presidential system began emptying of the Constitution, designed to ensure the centrality of parliament and the balance between independent powers. And the process has gone so far that today nobody is surprised if the Speaker of the House theorizes the constitutional illegitimacy of a change of majority (soon known as 'turnaround') and even a change of premiership. Driven by powerful interests, the "new" has won, although the reduction of the parliament's advisory body to the government (or ratification of its decisions) is a blatant distortion of the letter and spirit of the Charter. The beauty is that you pretend not to see that on this basis, he is right who is defending the award-Schifani Alfano in the name of the primacy of the "head of government" and its superior standing. However, until it is right to assert the centrality of the executive and to push the presidential lot of sense. But these positions - that's the point - have also been supported by the forces of the center-left, who fought con ardore per la trasformazione del sistema in senso bipolare-presidenzialistico. Ora, se questa circostanza non è facile da spiegare di per sé (considerati i principi che, in teoria, strutturano la cultura democratica di un Paese passato attraverso il fascismo e la partecipazione popolare a una lotta di liberazione), comprendere l’adesione entusiastica del centro-sinistra al modello bipolare-presidenziale appare poi addirittura improbo, ove si tenga presente un aspetto decisivo del panorama politico in cui ebbero luogo le vicende che abbiamo richiamato. Questo aspetto si chiama precisamente Silvio Berlusconi. Il quale, già protagonista della scena economica e mediatica («l’antennuto» lo definì allora Vittorio Feltri), irruppe on the country's political scene in '93 with a resounding endorsement in favor of Fini in the running for the Capitol. And then mobilized its powerful machine communication to make the climb to the palace Chigi.Al presence of a person with these characteristics, especially the option of the management group of the PDS in favor of "reforms" which increased the power of a "head government "in some way directly elected by the people is at first sight inexplicable. It seems the result of diabolical obstinacy or Marchiani forecast errors. Maybe. How can it be that today, given the consequences of many adventures, many fear paralyze then slide it into the street. But this hypothesis does not explain why not you ever wanted to reconsider those choices, despite their disastrous effects. Does not explain why, back in '94, the PDS has saved the first time Berlusconi, preventing the application of the law that declared ineligible, because the Hon. D'Alema - just returned from a visit to warm Mediaset - the game has also tacked the Bicameral privileged to cement an agreement with the head of the right (as do so again in 2007, Veltroni, announcing the abrupt end of last term), because - according the candid admission by Mr. Violante - were immediately given to Berlusconi full guarantees concerning the ownership and control of its television networks; and finally, because in seven years in government, the center-left has not found the time to legislate with regard to conflicts of interest. Giving an answer to these questions is difficult, but it is essential to understand the (non) reaction of Pd to the decision of the Consulta. It is difficult but not impossible as long as they call into question an assumption seemingly indisputable. This is not to assume that the main opponents of Berlusconi are always engaged in trying to defeat him and prevent him from governing. Let me be clear: there is no need to evoke rapture or masochistic events or corrupt conspiracies. Just assume that winning the war it was deemed useful to lose a battle: a risky calculation, but not necessarily unreasonable (not unlike the Italian employers have sometimes focused on the left to reconcile the sacrifices and social peace). Especially when there are fights in the name of each project incompatibili.Su latter, you will agree that - deposited the dust raised by the bickering between politicians - a clear set of goals "modernizing" that in these fifteen years the two sides have pursued in substantial agreement: the social level, the imposition of "neo-liberal constitution" and the redistribution of wealth to the benefit of capital, institutional level, the bipolar system of alternation and the cut ends; foreign policy, adherence to the paradigm of Maastricht and participation in "democratic wars." The sharing of this program, as part of what we might call a bipolar sister, perhaps abolish the conflict between right and center-left? No, but redefines it in terms of a competition between sectors of the ruling class (including 'proper names'), which provides a kind of solidarity cloudy. We compete, but is not intended to dry defeat the opponent. He wants to win but win big, do not exclude the other, which would collapse without the precious plant pole (with the unfortunate consequence of reinforcing positions 'compatible'). It is held to play a decisive role, but in a context of collaboration. That does not sink the shot on the opponent in trouble, indeed demands to take responsibility for his salvezza.Alla light of these disasters occurred in no light shines, this assumption is certainly bizarre. If we look at the comatose state of Italy and the ruin of his international image, hard to believe that the elites of the center-left have been able to even consider the idea of \u200b\u200bcollaborating with the right, with this right, guided by this political personnel. But the facts must be remembered that although we have explained, noting that the last fifteen years and the current condition of the country's center-left opinion is not certo altrettanto severo quanto quello che si suole formulare da parte della sinistra di alternativa. Del resto, non meraviglia che noi «genti meccaniche» si stenti ad apprezzare una strategia tanto sofisticata. L’alta politica è un’arte esoterica. Richiede fantasia e creatività, e doti non comuni di intuito e di lungimiranza. Qualcuno ricorda, per caso, il «dalemone»? da Il Manifesto del 15/10/09
Albero Burgio
direzione nazionale PRC-SE
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